Chemtrail 2.0, NOAA, and How C.A.R.E. Actually Works
The latest chemtrails dissipate within minutes, and there is a reason. Northrup Grumman, prompted by the SSP and cooperating with the NOAA, has launched Chemtrail Program 2.0: a nano particle program designed to recreate the old chemtrails without the alien technology that is no longer accessible. HAARP no longer functions for the same reason. Over the same week, the deep state has split into two: roughly 25% remain opposed to engagement with me, and the cooperative faction has given them until 3 PM EST on April 24 to make progress. I also want to correct the record on money I gave through the Trump Administration in earlier years, and walk through what C.A.R.E. (Comprehensive Assistance to Restore Earth) actually is, because I am seeing a lot of misunderstanding in groups that are forming around it. C.A.R.E. is not a sovereign bank. It is not a centralized funnel. It is a set of human committees, organized by sector, that have to be built from the ground up with the people who actually know what is broken.
1. Chemtrails that dissipate, and a new program
Reports have been coming in of chemtrails that disappear within minutes, which is closer to how a normal contrail behaves than to the old chemtrails. The question is whether these are chemtrails at all, and if they are, what is in them.
They are chemtrails. They are not the old chemtrails. These are Chemtrail Program 2.0, run by Northrup Grumman at the request of the SSP, and they are made from nano particles intended to imitate the old materials. The goal is to give the SSP a way back into the antiquated computer systems they still have scattered around the world, so they can run a weather control program from the surface again.
The reason they need a new program is that the old one has stopped working. HAARP was powered by alien technology, and the 15 SSP-aligned militaries had a narrow set of alien-tech access points that they used for weather work. All of that access is gone now. Northrup Grumman is trying to reconstruct similar nano particles through conventional manufacturing, and they are not having much success.
The new partnership is with the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), and the new chemtrails are being sprayed primarily over farmland in the United States. The stated objective is drought creation in targeted agricultural regions. The actual result has been the opposite. More rain is falling, not less.
The chemically and electromagnetically sensitive may still notice it. For most bodies, the new program is not a serious health threat. The old one was.
2. The front corporations: Northrup, Lockheed, Musk, DARPA, pharma
Northrup Grumman's history goes back to Project Paperclip and the Thule Society. The specialty has stayed the same across decades: make technologies that are harmful to human beings, and trade them for alien technologies the company would not otherwise have.
The company traces its origins to members of the Thule Society who were brought to the United States after World War II through Project Paperclip. That recruited cohort and their successors built what became the SSP’s preferred contractor for atmospheric and weapons programs. Northrup Grumman has not been alone in that role.
The same SSP-backed structure runs through five interlocked names:
- Northrup Grumman. Primary recipient of SSP-routed alien tech for weapons and atmospheric work.
- Lockheed Martin. Tied to the same programs, including the Skunkworks division I have mentioned in earlier reports.
- Elon Musk’s X and SpaceX. Connected through the same channel. Northrup and Musk’s operation have been working together on nano and femtotech development.
- DARPA. Embedded in the overarching program rather than running parallel to it.
- Pharmaceutical industry. A front corporation for the same SSP network, sitting on the human-body side of the same toolkit.
Northrup Grumman did not invent its specialty in the 1990s. The lineage that runs through it predates the company name, and it has carried the same trade (harmful tech for alien tech) the entire time.
What Northrup and Musk’s group have actually been building, between them, is nano and femtotech. Femtotech is technology at the femtometer scale, 10⁻¹⁵ meters, structures small enough to interfere with human brain function once deployed. At present they cannot deploy it. The manufacturing chain and the delivery vectors (spraying, food) both require alien tech support that is no longer there. The capability exists on paper. The execution does not.
That gap explains why the front corporations look the way they do right now. They are scrambling, not advancing. The technologies they had become dependent on are no longer accessible to them, and what they can build from scratch with their own engineering is a long way short of what they used to deliver.
So when I am asked whether the new chemtrails are dangerous, my answer is that they are not nearly as harmful as the old ones were. They are closer to a heavy-traffic exhaust exposure than to the alien-tech material they used to spray. The chemically or electromagnetically sensitive may still feel it. Everyone else is unlikely to notice a serious effect.
3. The deep state split into two
Across April 22, 23, and 24, the remaining SSP operatives, the Global Headquarters group, the high-level Generals, and Langley 5 held a series of meetings. The shape of the room has changed. They are no longer one group with one direction.
A growing faction has reached the conclusion that the only way they survive and continue to generate income is to come to my side and operate in alignment with what I am doing. That faction is not small anymore. It is the majority of what is left in the room.
The other faction, roughly 25% of remaining participants, refuses. They will not engage with my path under any circumstances. The cooperative faction held its own internal meeting and gave the 25% a deadline of their own: make demonstrable progress by 3 PM EST on April 24, or the groups attached to them lose their flags.
The 3 PM EST deadline today is internal to their group, not set by me. I am watching it the way I watch most of these dates, to see what actually moves at the moment the clock turns over.
I do not think any of this changes what I am doing in the short term. What I do notice is that the common-sense interjections appearing inside their conversations are coming from the cartels. The cartels are not allied with the deep state at this point. They are inserting pressure the way a corporate board member would behave when watching the company go down, asking what can be done to change course in order to survive.
The operatives on the ground are saying the same thing in a different tone. The phrase I keep hearing back is, there aren’t going to be any of us left. Some of them have already sent communications asking whether I am in a position to receive contracts from them. My answer is the same one I have been giving. They will need to wait until the fund transfers go through without resistance. That may happen this afternoon. It may take longer. The cleanup is still running underneath all of this.
4. The money I gave the Trump Administration, clarified
A question came up in the deep state meeting about money I gave through the Trump Administration in earlier years, and whether I would do the same for the current group. I want to correct the record on that, because the framing in their meeting was wrong.
The money I sent through the Trump Administration was for the United States to function in proper ways. It went toward paying off student loans, paying down US debt, and keeping government functioning. It was not a personal endorsement of Donald Trump, and it was not a transfer to him to allocate as he saw fit. What I wanted to happen with that money did not happen. That is also part of the record.
The question raised in the meeting, framed as a precedent (she did it once, so she will do it again), does not survive contact with the actual paperwork. The vehicle for that funding closed two years ago.
When I look back at the original decision, I tried to do the right thing for people through the channels I had access to at the time. The channel available to me was government, because I was able to get down to governments at density 3 then, and density 3 was as far as I could reach. I was working with the only tool that was in my hand.
I do not say that to perform regret. I say it because the next round will not run through governments. The next round is the one I want to describe now, and it is built so the failure mode of the first round does not repeat. The first round put the money into an existing structure and trusted that structure to deliver. The next round is the structure itself, and it has to be built differently from the ground up.
5. C.A.R.E. is committees, not a bank
There is widespread misunderstanding right now about what C.A.R.E. is, and a lot of groups forming around the name are defaulting to the wrong model. The wrong model is the one that looks safest from a distance. It is a sovereign bank, a single financial center, a top-down distribution body. Each of those is precisely what we are trying to get away from.
C.A.R.E. stands for Comprehensive Assistance to Restore Earth. It is the system through which I intend to put funding into the work of rebuilding the planet. The actual shape of it is a compilation of human committees, organized by sector. Agriculture is one committee. Finance is another. Transportation is another. Manufacturing is another. Each committee brings together the people who already know the domain, both the operators on the ground and the researchers who have been studying the problems, with the industrialists who can take a working solution to scale.
The Agriculture Division is the easiest one to describe in detail, so let me use it as the model.
A functioning Agriculture committee includes the following participants:
- Multi-generation commercial farmers. People who know firsthand what is broken on the ground because their families have run the operations for decades.
- Research scientists. People who listen to the farmers and develop solutions to the problems the farmers actually have, not the problems that look interesting from a university office.
- Transportation specialists. People who address the challenges of moving food from farms to consumers.
- Retail experts. People who understand distribution channels, store models, and consumer access.
- Equipment manufacturers. People who work directly with farmers and researchers on better farming technology.
- Industrialists. People who have run large operations and understand sourcing, customs, financing, and what makes a complicated operation succeed or fail.
- Local consultants. People who understand the specific context of a given region, because nothing about agriculture is generic across geographies.
The process inside the committee is bottom-up. Farmers identify problems. Scientists develop solutions. Industrialists assess feasibility at scale. Transportation and retail solve the distribution. Finance enables the whole chain. The committee is not a decision-making body that issues directives downward. It is a working group that surfaces real problems and routes funding to the people who can actually fix them.
One example of how the funding side has to be redesigned: I want a 10-year forward production contract available to farmers, paid upfront in year one. If a farmer underproduces in a subsequent year, the deficit rolls forward inside the contract rather than triggering a default or a forced sale. Crop insurance currently fails farmers during droughts because the timing of payouts does not match the timing of crop failures. A 10-year forward contract gives the farmer predictable cash and absorbs the variance instead of penalizing it.
Paying 10 years up front, and rolling the deficit forward when production falls short, lets a farm survive the bad year without losing the land. The contract carries the variance the insurance product was supposed to carry and never did.
This is the part of C.A.R.E. that is being misread the most often right now. People are forming groups under the name and proposing that the right structure is a sovereign bank. They are picking the model that looks like the existing financial system but with new owners. That is the wrong direction.
A single funnel creates a single attack target. It replicates the exact centralization that has made the existing system fragile, and it gives the dark side a clean shot at whatever sits at the top of the funnel. The current financial system also has a hand already dealt and halfway played. It will not be replaced wholesale by people who have no experience inside it. To participate in finance at this stage, you have to bring people with real expertise in derivatives, CDOs, and risk management. You have to bring people I have called financial assassins. I am sorry to put it that bluntly, but it is true. They can keep you from being destroyed by structures you do not yet understand.
6. Without local context, nothing works
Let me give you two examples of what happens when infrastructure projects are designed without the people who live where the infrastructure is going. Both are real, and both failed in ways that map directly onto what I am seeing in C.A.R.E.-adjacent groups right now.
The first example. A group of Middle Eastern builders went into an African country and built housing for the local population. They did not consult anyone on the ground first. The houses went up. Once the houses were occupied, the residents could not afford electricity or water bills, because the wages in the area did not support the running costs of the new buildings. So the residents pulled the copper wiring out of the walls and sold it, to have any cash at all. The builders did not understand the local economy, and the project was already failing on the day it opened.
The second example. American and Chinese investors decided to build an electric train line through a Silk Road country. The country has unreliable power in its own capital city. Clean drinking water is scarce. A train ticket on the proposed line was going to cost 196 euros. The residents could not afford 196 euros for a train, and the country could not even reliably power the train. The project was irrelevant to the actual conditions of the place it was being built in, and the investors had not asked.
My principle on this is direct. Every infrastructure project has to begin with conversations with local merchants, local power companies, local engineers, and ordinary residents. A committee without local representation at the table will fail, no matter how good the engineering is or how clean the financing looks on paper.
The structure I am describing does not work that way. If the locals are not in the room, the room is wrong.
I see a lot of good-hearted people in those groups, and I also see, in some cases, the oppressed wanting to become the oppressor. The shape of authority gets reproduced even by the people who suffered most under the old shape. That is the part C.A.R.E. has to refuse, structurally, not as a slogan.
What I want is to be at the bottom of this work, supporting it rather than directing it. The committee structure makes that possible because the people who know the domain are the ones moving the work. My role is to put the funding through where the committee tells me it is needed, not to sit on top of the funnel deciding for everyone what their needs are.
A second low-flying helicopter is passing the house as I close this. It is most likely connected to the 3 PM deadline. I will end here.